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Thursday, February 11, 2010

Thakalis: A Brief Introduction

Introduction
Thakalis are an ethnic group in Nepal originally from Thak Khola on the banks of River Kaligandaki in Mustang District. They are now spread all over Nepal and beyond. Numerically, it is a very small group. According to the 2001 Census, total population of Thakalis in Nepal was only 12,973 (or 0.06% of the total). If their population grew at the same rate as Nepal's (1.12x), then by 2009 Thakalis would number around 14,500.

The ancestral home of Thakalis is Thaksatse in Thak Khola. It consists of 13 villages (tehra gaun): Tukuche, Khanti, Kobang, Larjung, Bhurjungkot, Nakhung, Naprungkhung, Titi, Dhumpu, Taglung, Kunjo, Lete and Ghasa. The most important among them is Tukuche.

Thakalis are divided into four clans: Bhurki, Choki, Dinjen and Salki. These indigenous names were Nepalicized into Bhattachan (Bhurki), Gauchan (Choki), Sherchan (Dinjen) and Tulachan (Salgi) in the early 1920s, probably to facilitate the group's assimilation into larger Nepali state. The common last syllable "chan" probably came from "Chand", the ruling clans of western Himalaya and was probably incorporated to associate Thakalis with a higher caste group. In numerical terms, Sherchan is the most numerous and Tulachan the least.

The principal function of the division into clans is to organize the group's marriage customs. Thakalis as a rule cannot marry within the same clan. The clans are further divided into sub-clans called phobe/gyuba/gyu which is based on patriarchal lineage. There are no hard and fast rules governing the formation of gyu, but generally speaking, once a particular gyu becomes too large it fragments. Currently, there are 39 ghu (Bhattachan 9, Gauchan 11, Sherchan 13 and Tulachan 6). Within each phobe/gyu there are number of groups around a common baje (translates to "grandfather" but it means "a common acestor") that share a ossuary (khimi).

History of Thakalis
"Thak" in Tibetan means a "distant country" and that term may have been coined because historically Thak region was at the edge of Tibetan influence. For most of the period until the mid-eighteenth century, the region was ruled by the Tibetan Kingdom of Lo. In circa 1764, Kingdom of Jumla conquered Lo and made it a vassal state. During that century, Lo was divided into northern Lo centered around its historical capital Monthang and Southern Lo ruled by decedents of Jampa Thobgyal. In 1786 the Lo Kingdoms came under Gurkha rule, and in 1789 they helped Gurkhas conquer the formidable Kingdom of Jumla. For their aid, Lo Kings retained their positions with provisions that they pay tributary to rulers in Kathmandu.

Thakalis do not have a written history. They have preserved their oral history, a mixture of historical facts and mythical stories in their religious textbook, cyogi rhab, written in Tibetan script. Obviously, there is no reference to dates. Each clan has its own rhab which describes the journey of its ancestor. The most interesting rhab belong to Gauchan and Tulachan.

According to Gauchan legend, (Choki rhab), Ani Airam the ancestor of Gauchan clan left western Tibet for Sinja, the capital of Jumla. At Sinja, Ani Airam met Samledhen Samlecyang, the ancestor of Tulachan clan and Dhakpa Ghyalsang, the patriarch of Sherchan clan who himself came from Ladhak area. All three headed to Kathmandu valley, then called Nepal. They passed through Phalla, west of Kagbeni and then down the Kaligandaki to Thini. In Ghyatobra, opposite to present-day Tukuche, they met Paw Kuti, the ancestor of Bhattachan clan. They continued on to Ghorepani. At Phallante they lost their way. They turned back and decided to settle in present day Thak Khola.

According to Tulachan legend (Salgi rhab), Tulachan clan was the most powerful and others were jealous of its power. They conspired to kill them all - all eighteen of them. Tulachan brothers were invited to a lha chuwa ritual and given poisoned food. The brothers had been forewarned by their grandmother, Lhasarphi. So before eating they fed a dog which died, and thus avoiding the poisoned food. Tulachan brothers were again invited to help others cut a wooden log. Lhasarphi pleaded them not to go because she suspected conspiracy but the brothers went anyway because they felt invincible. At the site, the brothers were asked to put their hands in the cleft of a half-cut log. When they did, the wedge was closed trapping their hands. The log was rolled down the hill killing all. After hearing the news, Lhasarphi and her grandson Bhum fled. The other Thakalis wanted to find out the reason for the clan's power and they found Lha Chyurin Galmo, the Tulachan's deity. Unable to destroy it, they threw it into Kaligandaki. At a gorge near Ghasa, it blocked the river and lake started to form. This caused a panic. A lama told Thakalis that Lha Chyurin Galmo was blocking the river and only Tulachan clan's prayer would make him undo it. Discovering that Lhasarphi was still alive, they selected Khe Pau Kuti to search for her. He found a fireplace in a nearby forest and looked around for her. Lhasarphi suspecting that Khe Pau Kuti was there kill them hid with her grandson inside a tree trunk. When Khe Pau Kuti put his hand in that tree trunk to check it out, tears from Lhasarphi fell on it. She refused to come out but eventually Khe Pau Kuti convinced her that he was not there to kill her but to seek her help. He asked her to pray. As per his request, Lhasarphi prayed with her hand holding an open shawl. Lha Chyurin Galmo came flying onto her shawl and Kaligandaki river was un-blocked.

The legends end and history begins when Thak Khola becomes part of emerging Nepali state. According to Michael Vinding, Thak Khola's inclusion in the Nepalese state in 1786 meant an end to the wars that ravaged the area in the previous centuries. The Thakalis could now cultivate their fields, raise their animals, and engage in peacetime trade. As there no longer was a need to live in fortified settlements, the Thakalis could establish settlements closer to the water sources, the fields and the caravan route.

In the early years of modern Nepali state, Thakalis suffered through heavy homestead taxes. Until 1802 taxes were collected by the government-appointed non-local contractor (ijaradar), and thereafter, by village heads (mukiya or budhas). Tax burden was significant. By 1811, those contractors were assigned to raise Rs. 13,000 from about 700 households in the region. As a result significant number of Thakalis emigrated out of Thak Khola.

In the nineteenth century Thakalis migrated to Baglung and Myagdi districts partly because of exorbitant taxes in Thak Khola and partly because of better opportunities there. A region called Khani Khuwa (bais khani) centered around Galkot in Baglung district produced high quality copper. Myagdi district had fertile agricultural land along the eponymous river. Copper from Khani Khuwa went into making coins used in Nepal as well as parts of northern India. Thakalis were quite successful businessmen and some even became ijaradar collecting taxes from mines on behalf of the central government. By the late nineteenth century, lack of investment and cheap imports of copper from India led to decline of mining activities, and by 1930s, most of the mines in Khani Khuwa were closed.

Back in Thak Khola, Thakalis prospered facilitating trade in goods from Nepal/India and Tibet. During summer, traders from Tibet ventured south but trails south of Ghasa were dangerous especially during Monsoon. During winter, traders from the south headed north but could not go too far because of snow. Thak Khola at the junction of two climatic zones became a natural entreport to store and exchange goods. Tibetan brought salt, collected from lakes in Western Tibet, wools and animals. Traders from the south brought grains and manufactured goods.

In 1862 a significant change took place in the political economy of Thak region. Hitherto, there was free trade in grains and salt and the government collected revenue/duties through ijara. In 1862, Jang Bahadur Rana government decided to give the monopoly over salt trade to the custom collector in Dana (subba), and that position was auctioned off to the highest bidder. The competition to get the contract was intense because the position came with significant political and economic power. For instance, the contract size in 1876 was Rs. 82,000 and in early twentieth century reached as high as Rs. 150,000 (at Rs. 31 per tola gold in 1911, it amounted to 56 kg of gold). To get the contract, Thakalis competed against each other and against Gurungs. Historical accounts suggest that until the end of salt monopoly in 1928, the custom collectors were mostly Thakalis, specifically Thakalis who were descendents of Balbir Thakali (great-grandfather of famous poet Bhupi Sherchan). In the post-monopoly period, the significance of Tibetan salt declined as cheap Indian imports flooded the market. In 1959 China annexed Tibet and in 1962 India and China went to war. This ended the centuries old trans-Himalayan trade. Thak Khola lost its primal role as an entreport. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Thakalis started to leave the region in significant numbers to other parts of Nepal - Kathmandu, Pokhara, Butwal and Bhairawa.


Bibliography
Fisher, William, 2001. Fluid Boundaries: Forming and Transforming Identity in Nepal

Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, 1985. Tribal populations and cultures of the Indian Subcontinent

Ramble, Charles, 2008. The navel of the demoness: Tibetan Buddhism and civil religion in highland Nepal

Schuh, Dieter, 1988. The Political Organisation of Southern Mustang During the 17th and 18th Century

Vinding, Michael, 1998. The Thakali: A Himalayan Ethnography

Important Dates

2067 (2010/2011)
New Year, Baishakh 1 (April 14, 2010)
Falgun Purnima, Chaitra 5 (March 19, 2011)

2068 (2011/2012)
New Year, Baishakh 1 (April 14, 2011)
Falgun Purnima, TBA (TBA)

2069 (2012/2013)
New Year, Baishakh 1 (April 13, 2012)
Falgun Purnima, TBA (TBA)

Tuesday, February 9, 2010

Thakalis: A Brief Introduction

Introduction
Thakalis are an ethnic group in Nepal originally from Thak Khola on the banks of River Kaligandaki in Mustang District. They are now spread all over Nepal and beyond. Numerically, it is a very small group. According to the 2001 Census, total population of Thakalis in Nepal was only 12,973 (or 0.06% of the total). If their population grew at the same rate as Nepal's (1.12x), then by 2009 Thakalis would number around 14,500.

The ancestral home of Thakalis is Thaksatse in Thak Khola. It consists of 13 villages (tehra gaun): Tukuche, Khanti, Kobang, Larjung, Bhurjungkot, Nakhung, Naprungkhung, Titi, Dhumpu, Taglung, Kunjo, Lete and Ghasa. The most important among them is Tukuche.

Thakalis are divided into four clans: Bhurki, Choki, Dinjen and Salki. These indigenous names were Nepalicized into Bhattachan (Bhurki), Gauchan (Choki), Sherchan (Dinjen) and Tulachan (Salgi) in the early 1920s, probably to facilitate the group's assimilation into larger Nepali state. The common last syllable "chan" probably came from "Chand", the ruling clans of western Himalaya and was probably incorporated to associate Thakalis with a higher caste group. In numerical terms, Sherchan is the most numerous and Tulachan the least.

The principal function of the division into clans is to organize the group's marriage customs. Thakalis as a rule cannot marry within the same clan. The clans are further divided into sub-clans called phobe/gyuba/gyu which is based on patriarchal lineage. There are no hard and fast rules governing the formation of gyu, but generally speaking, once a particular gyu becomes too large it fragments. Currently, there are 39 ghu (Bhattachan 9, Gauchan 11, Sherchan 13 and Tulachan 6). Within each phobe/gyu there are number of groups around a common baje (translates to "grandfather" but it means "a common acestor") that share a ossuary (khimi).

History of Thakalis
"Thak" in Tibetan means a "distant country" and that term may have been coined because historically Thak region was at the edge of Tibetan influence. For most of the period until the mid-eighteenth century, the region was ruled by the Tibetan Kingdom of Lo. In circa 1764, Kingdom of Jumla conquered Lo and made it a vassal state. During that century, Lo was divided into northern Lo centered around its historical capital Monthang and Southern Lo ruled by decedents of Jampa Thobgyal. In 1786 the Lo Kingdoms came under Gurkha rule, and in 1789 they helped Gurkhas conquer the formidable Kingdom of Jumla. For their aid, Lo Kings retained their positions with provisions that they pay tributary to rulers in Kathmandu.

Thakalis do not have a written history. They have preserved their oral history, a mixture of historical facts and mythical stories in their religious textbook, cyogi rhab, written in Tibetan script. Obviously, there is no reference to dates. Each clan has its own rhab which describes the journey of its ancestor. The most interesting rhab belong to Gauchan and Tulachan.

According to Gauchan legend, (Choki rhab), Ani Airam the ancestor of Gauchan clan left western Tibet for Sinja, the capital of Jumla. At Sinja, Ani Airam met Samledhen Samlecyang, the ancestor of Tulachan clan and Dhakpa Ghyalsang, the patriarch of Sherchan clan who himself came from Ladhak area. All three headed to Kathmandu valley, then called Nepal. They passed through Phalla, west of Kagbeni and then down the Kaligandaki to Thini. In Ghyatobra, opposite to present-day Tukuche, they met Paw Kuti, the ancestor of Bhattachan clan. They continued on to Ghorepani. At Phallante they lost their way. They turned back and decided to settle in present day Thak Khola.

According to Tulachan legend (Salgi rhab), Tulachan clan was the most powerful and others were jealous of its power. They conspired to kill them all - all eighteen of them. Tulachan brothers were invited to a lha chuwa ritual and given poisoned food. The brothers had been forewarned by their grandmother, Lhasarphi. So before eating they fed a dog which died, and thus avoiding the poisoned food. Tulachan brothers were again invited to help others cut a wooden log. Lhasarphi pleaded them not to go because she suspected conspiracy but the brothers went anyway because they felt invincible. At the site, the brothers were asked to put their hands in the cleft of a half-cut log. When they did, the wedge was closed trapping their hands. The log was rolled down the hill killing all. After hearing the news, Lhasarphi and her grandson Bhum fled. The other Thakalis wanted to find out the reason for the clan's power and they found Lha Chyurin Galmo, the Tulachan's deity. Unable to destroy it, they threw it into Kaligandaki. At a gorge near Ghasa, it blocked the river and lake started to form. This caused a panic. A lama told Thakalis that Lha Chyurin Galmo was blocking the river and only Tulachan clan's prayer would make him undo it. Discovering that Lhasarphi was still alive, they selected Khe Pau Kuti to search for her. He found a fireplace in a nearby forest and looked around for her. Lhasarphi suspecting that Khe Pau Kuti was there kill them hid with her grandson inside a tree trunk. When Khe Pau Kuti put his hand in that tree trunk to check it out, tears from Lhasarphi fell on it. She refused to come out but eventually Khe Pau Kuti convinced her that he was not there to kill her but to seek her help. He asked her to pray. As per his request, Lhasarphi prayed with her hand holding an open shawl. Lha Chyurin Galmo came flying onto her shawl and Kaligandaki river was un-blocked.

The legends end and history begins when Thak Khola becomes part of emerging Nepali state. According to Michael Vinding, Thak Khola's inclusion in the Nepalese state in 1786 meant an end to the wars that ravaged the area in the previous centuries. The Thakalis could now cultivate their fields, raise their animals, and engage in peacetime trade. As there no longer was a need to live in fortified settlements, the Thakalis could establish settlements closer to the water sources, the fields and the caravan route.

In the early years of modern Nepali state, Thakalis suffered through heavy homestead taxes. Until 1802 taxes were collected by the government-appointed non-local contractor (ijaradar), and thereafter, by village heads (mukiya or budhas). Tax burden was significant. By 1811, those contractors were assigned to raise Rs. 13,000 from about 700 households in the region. As a result significant number of Thakalis emigrated out of Thak Khola.

In the nineteenth century Thakalis migrated to Baglung and Myagdi districts partly because of exorbitant taxes in Thak Khola and partly because of better opportunities there. A region called Khani Khuwa (bais khani) centered around Galkot in Baglung district produced high quality copper. Myagdi district had fertile agricultural land along the eponymous river. Copper from Khani Khuwa went into making coins used in Nepal as well as parts of northern India. Thakalis were quite successful businessmen and some even became ijaradar collecting taxes from mines on behalf of the central government. By the late nineteenth century, lack of investment and cheap imports of copper from India led to decline of mining activities, and by 1930s, most of the mines in Khani Khuwa were closed.

Back in Thak Khola, Thakalis prospered facilitating trade in goods from Nepal/India and Tibet. During summer, traders from Tibet ventured south but trails south of Ghasa were dangerous especially during Monsoon. During winter, traders from the south headed north but could not go too far because of snow. Thak Khola at the junction of two climatic zones became a natural entreport to store and exchange goods. Tibetan brought salt, collected from lakes in Western Tibet, wools and animals. Traders from the south brought grains and manufactured goods.

In 1862 a significant change took place in the political economy of Thak region. Hitherto, there was free trade in grains and salt and the government collected revenue/duties through ijara. In 1862, Jang Bahadur Rana government decided to give the monopoly over salt trade to the custom collector in Dana (subba), and that position was auctioned off to the highest bidder. The competition to get the contract was intense because the position came with significant political and economic power. For instance, the contract size in 1876 was Rs. 82,000 and in early twentieth century reached as high as Rs. 150,000 (at Rs. 31 per tola gold in 1911, it amounted to 56 kg of gold). To get the contract, Thakalis competed against each other and against Gurungs. Historical accounts suggest that until the end of salt monopoly in 1928, the custom collectors were mostly Thakalis, specifically Thakalis who were descendents of Balbir Thakali (great-grandfather of famous poet Bhupi Sherchan). In the post-monopoly period, the significance of Tibetan salt declined as cheap Indian imports flooded the market. In 1959 China annexed Tibet and in 1962 India and China went to war. This ended the centuries old trans-Himalayan trade. Thak Khola lost its primal role as an entreport. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Thakalis started to leave the region in significant numbers to other parts of Nepal - Kathmandu, Pokhara, Butwal and Bhairawa.


Bibliography
Fisher, William, 2001. Fluid Boundaries: Forming and Transforming Identity in Nepal

Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, 1985. Tribal populations and cultures of the Indian Subcontinent

Ramble, Charles, 2008. The navel of the demoness: Tibetan Buddhism and civil religion in highland Nepal

Schuh, Dieter, 1988. The Political Organisation of Southern Mustang During the 17th and 18th Century

Vinding, Michael, 1998. The Thakali: A Himalayan Ethnography

Thakali Population

For full 2001 Census data by ethnicity, please click here.

Note
According Michael Vinding, in 1984, Thakali population was 8,576. The 1991 Census shows Thakali population at 13,731, and 2001 Census at 12,973.

• Nobody believes in a decline of Thakali population between 1991 and 2001.

• Thakali population growth during 1984-2001 is consistent with Nepal's (both +50%) while growth during 1984-1991 (18% Nepal versus 60% Thakalis) and 1991-2001 (27% Nepal versus -6% Thakalis) are not.

We conclude that 2001 data is more accurate number.

Phobe/Gyu

Each of the four Thakali clans - Bhattachan, Gauchan, Sherchan and Tulachan - has sub-clans called Phobe/Gyuba/Gyu. There are currently 39 such gyu listed below.

All four clans had Dhyatan phobe but Dhyatan phobe in Sherchan clan became extinct in the early twentieth century.

Thakalis cannot marry within the same clan. For Dhyatan phobe, there is an additional restriction, and that is, they cannot marry another Dhyatan from another clan.

Bhattachan
Bara Dhorche
Cyang Mhirki
Dhyatan*
Khunara
Lam
Lhepu Cyang
Mhicen
Nacyang Mhirki
Tepalsang Mhirki

Gauchan
Balamtan
Dhom
Dhyatan*
Ghai Mhirki
Ghera
Ghosetan
Lam
Mhatasi
Pare
Sonam Mhirki Syarki
Tancang

Sherchan
Dhom (A)
Dhom (B)
Ghangsya
Lemendhen Lemencyang
Lhakhang Dhungi
Mha Dhungi
Narcho
Pai Gera
Pompar
Sarkege Palten Cyang
Sartan
Tarcha
Yonten Chogi

Tulachan
Cheni
Chyupa
Dhungpa
Dhyatan*
Jaungman
Lam

Monday, February 8, 2010

Lha Phewa - 1993

Please Click on the image for larger view.




Sunday, February 7, 2010

Lha Phewa - 2005

Please Click on the image for larger view.


Summary Table

Please Click on the image for larger view.

Lha Phewa

Lha Phewa in Thakali means "appearance/coming of gods". La Phewa is thus a celebration of Thakali clan deities. It takes place every 12 years usually in the month of January in Thak Khola and goes on for about two weeks. The last one took place in January 2005.

Each Thakali clan (Bhattachan, Gauchan, Sherchan and Tulachan) has its own deity and its own rhab, a religious text written in Tibetan script that describes the journey of its ancestor. Each clan also has its own hereditary priest (pare) that belong to a certain sub-clan (phobe/gyu) who are the guardian of the respective group’s rhab. The pares' recite their clans' rhabs during this festival. This is a way to pass down Thakali mythologies from generation to generation. During La Phewa, the clan deities are also taken out of their respectives temples scattered in different parts of Thak Khola and worshipped.

Torenla

Torenla is an annual festival celebrated by Thakalis around full-moon day of Nepali calendar Fagun (February-March). Toren means "first" in Thakali and likely refers to the first month in the Tibetan lunar calendar.

There are no specific rules that guide the celebration of Torenla. Thakalis in different regions of Nepal and from different generations do so differently. Some celebrate for a day while others for three days. Some have elaborate rituals while others keep it very simple. There is one common theme however, and that is, it is a celebration of families past and present.

Torenla has three distinct components. First, ancestors (khimi cuwa) are remembered and offering are made to them. It is usually done in the sacred area of the house, a place where Thakalis keep and worship their deities. Second, connections to current relatives are reaffirmed by inviting them for lunch or dinner, and accepting invitations in return. In the old days, this was also the occasion for Thakalis who were gone away on business or for other purposes to return home and rejoin the family. Third, social bonding and common experiences are enhanced within the larger Thakali community by participating in communal activities. Such activities usually take the form of playing cards and a game of archery (me lyangpa/tara). These activities could go on for days.

Books on Thakalis

Fisher, William, 2001. Fluid Boundaries: Forming and Transforming Identity in Nepal

Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, 1985. Tribal populations and cultures of the Indian Subcontinent

Georg, Stefan, 1996. Marphatan Thakali: Untersuchungen zur Sprache des Dorfes Marpha im Oberen Kāli-Gaṇḍaki-Tal, Nepal

Hari, Maria, 1971. A guide to Thakali tone

Hari, Maria, 1971. A vocabulary of the Thakali language

Rai, Ratan Kumar, 1994. Along the Kali Gandaki: The Ancient Salt Route in Western Nepal (The Thakalis, Bon dKar and Lamaist Monasteries)

Ramble, Charles, 2008. The navel of the demoness: Tibetan Buddhism and civil religion in highland Nepal

Schuh, Dieter, 1988. The Political Organisation of Southern Mustang During the 17th and 18th Century

Vinding, Michael, 1998. The Thakali: A Himalayan Ethnography

Random Information

Customs Contractors in Thak Khola (1862-1928)

Customs Contractors in Thak Khola (1862-1928)
Source: Vinding & Fisher

1862-1864: Hem Karna Khadka
1865-1867: Hem Karna Khadka
1868-1870: Balbir Thakali
1871-1873: Balbir Thakali
1874-1876: Balbir Thakali
1877-1879: Kaviram Thakali
1880-1882: Kaviram Thakali
1883-1885: Ram Prasad Thakali
1886-1889: Ram Prasad Thakali
1890-1891: Kaviram Thakali
1892-1894: Mani Lal Gurung
1895-1897: Mani Lal Gurung
1898-1900: Mani Lal Gurung
1902-1903: Harka Man Thakali
1903-1904: Harka Man Thakali
1905-1907: Mani Lal Gurung
1908-1910: Nar Jang Gurung
1911-1913: Ganesh Bahardur Thakali
1914-1917: Ganesh Bahardur Thakali
1918-1920: Nar Jang Gurung
1920-1922: Ganesh Bahardur Thakali
1923-1925: Hit Man Sherchan
1926-1928: Mohan Man Sherchan

Friday, January 29, 2010

A History of Thakalis

A History of Thakalis

The Thakali live along the Kali Gandaki river. Their territory comprises the southern Panchgoan region and the northern Baragoan area. Panchgoan has the meaning 'five villages' and the original villages are: Thini, Syang, Marpha, Chairo and Cimang. Baragoan is the area as far north as Kagbeni. Thak in Tibetan means 'distant country' because historically it was the most remote region under Tibetan influence.

The Thakalis are an entrepreneurial people who thrived in the region during the heyday of the trans-Himalayan trade. They traded Tibetan salt and wool for Nepalese rice. They built the villages and lodges along the trail. Today their business activities are mostly conducted in Pokhara and Kathmandu.

The traditional origins of the modern Thakali people is contained in the clan history. The Thakali's are comprised of four clans, representing the descendants of the four traditional ancestors. The ancestor of the Gauchan clan, Ani Airam, so the story goes, went on a journey from his home in western Tibet to the town of Sinja in the Kingdom of Jumla, in what is now western Nepal. He must have been a lumberjack for here he felled a sandalwood tree. Miraculously, three divine birds flew from the tree. These birds were:

(1) Lha Langha Nhurba, the jewel elephant god of the Gauchan clan.
(2) Lha Chiring Gyalmo, the sea monster queen, goddess of the Tulachan clan.
(3) Lha Ganga Sinki Karmo, the white lioness of the mountains, goddess of the Sherchan clan.

At Sinja, Ani Airam met with Samledhen Samlecyang, the founder of the Tulachan clan and Dhakpa Ghyalsang, the patriarch of the Sherchan clan. All three of them left the Kingdom of Jumla for Mustang. The passed through Phalla, west of Kagbeni and then down the Kali Gandaki to Thini (near present day Jomosom). Here they ran into Paw Kuti, the ancestor of the present day Bhattachan clan. They continued on to Ghorepani. At Phallante they lost their way. They turned back and decided to settle in the area now known as Thak Khola, around the Kali Gandaki. They first tested the water at Kalopani, the soil at Nakhung and the rocks at Naurikot. They were obviously satisfied with the results of their tests, because the rest is history. They settled hereabouts and their descendants have intermarried ever since. These events have not yet been dated, but no doubt soon will be, using comparative linguistics and DNA analysis.

During the 8th century The ancient Kingdom of Serib appears to have included Panchgoan and Baragoan. By the 13th century Baragoan (the northern part of Thak Khola) had become detached from Serib and became known as Lower Lo. Today it is also known as Lower Mustang. In the 14th century a series of conflicts with the Kingdom of Jumla began, which were to continue, off and on, until the formation of the modern Nepalese state brought peace in the 18th century. In the 16th century, records show that the people of Lo were starving. In 1652 the people of Baragoan tried to separate from Lo (Mustang) and a conflict started between the king of Lo and his representative in Dzong, near Muktinath. The Kingdom of Jumla joined in this conflict, this time on the side of the Baragoan Thakalis. In 1719 the King of Lo married a Ladakhi princess. The princess was captured and imprisoned in Kagbeni fort, where she had to await liberation by the army of Ladakh.

Panchgoan was at one time known as Sum. In the 12th century, Sum was ruled by King Tangmican. He fancied himself as a bit of a landscape gardener on a grand scale. The king ordered his subjects to remove a hill that was blocking the view of the sunrise. Some of his subjects went up the hill to fell some trees. Whilst observing a little too closely, the king got his hands caught in the cleft of a trunk, and tumbled down the crag with the tree to his death.

In 1786 Thak Khola became part of the modern Nepalese state. Although this brought comparative peace, it also brought that blight of modern government, heavy taxation. In the 18th century this took the form of a homestead tax. In the late 19th century the government imposed customs duties on the north south trans-Himalayan trade between Tibet and Nepal. Thak Khola was a natural point to impose taxes for geographic and cultural reasons. Below Thak Khola is a narrow steep section of the Kali Gandaki which in those days prevented the Tibetan traders taking their salt further south on their pack animals. Furthermore, the Tibetans did not wish to travel further south than Khobang for they feared the health hazards of the Indian plains, the heat and the Hindus, whom they considered to be heretical revisionists. Likewise the southern traders, mostly Hindus, did not like to stay amongst the Tibetans, who they considered to be both filthy and ritually unclean. The Thakalis prospered by facilitating the exchange between these two immiscible groups. The area became a natural market place for the trade of rice and salt. But the government rewarded the Thakalis business success by taxing them to the hilt.

In the 1930s the path south of Khobang was improved allowing mules to travel south of Thak Khola. The range and quantity of goods traded increased to include Tibetan goats, Nepalese wood, sugar, cigarettes, clothes. As the trade increased it became viable for Thakali women to operate lodges to provide overnight accommodation to traders.

Life for the Thakali's was rosy until 1959 when the Dalai Lama was forced to leave Tibet in the aftermath of a failed rebellion against the occupying Chinese. Three factors led to a dramatic decline in the traditional salt trade in the 1960s. Firstly the Tibetan resistance army, the Khampas hindered the movement of goods. Secondly, the distribution of Indian salt in Nepal became economically viable following the constructions of roads between India and Nepal. Tibetan salt was unable to compete. Thirdly, trade between India and China became restricted following the micro war between India and China in 1962. Today trade in Thak Khola is domestic Nepalese trade, trekking, agriculture and pilgrimage.

Thursday, January 28, 2010

Deepak M Sherchan Leaves Mark in Kathmandu's Landscape

An architect couple have been leaving their mark on our cityscape for 25 years. And they are going strong
NepaliTimes, Issue # 71 (7-Dec-2001 to 13-Dec-2001)
By Ramayata Limbu and Alok Tumbahangphey

It can be intimidating to design and construct modern buildings in a location like Kathmandu Valley, where centuries of highly refined architecture are still a living presence. Unfortunately, most contemporary and recent constructions just do not cut it, inflicting upon us some of the most hideous and uninspiring concrete blocks this side of the Great Wall.

Which is why, when a building like the Heritage Plaza near Darbar Marg goes up, the more sensitive among us heave a sigh of relief. Not a blind copycat of traditional design, nor an unthinking nod to high modern glass-and steel, its designers Jyoti and Deepak Man Sherchan say the complex represents "eclectically modern design". In this case, the eclecticism derives from integrating an old-world look with new methods of construction and design that address concerns about ensuring efficient and pleasant workspaces that are also environmentally efficient.

Inside the building, the all-exposed brickwork, sloped roof and strutting creates intimate and sometimes surprising spaces without being constrictive"As everything else, the whole game of architecture also has a drama to it," says Deepak Man Sherchan, chairman of Creative Builders Collaborative (CBC), which designed this impressive building and runs a tastefully decorated office there.

It isn't only Deepak Man driving the cart, the other wheel is his wife Jyoti Sherchan, managing director and chief architect of CBC. Deepak designs the aesthetically appealing, yet functional and environmentally sound buildings the collaborative is known for, and Jyoti manages the work at the site and makes the vision take concrete shape. The couple met and tied the knot while teaching at the Engineering Campus two decades ago, but they never thought they'd climb this high on the architectural ladder. "When Deepak left his secure teaching job, we didn't know whether we'd make it or not," say Jyoti.

But the risk seems to have paid off. The Collaborative is today a well-known firm both at home and outside, as can be seen by the numerous projects that bear their signature. The couple get more than their fair share of work. "We mostly design turn-key key projects, from ground zero to the walk-in phase," says Deepak Man. Among the several awards that they have won, the South Asian Architects Award for the SOS Children's Village in Itahari stands out. Deepak Man has designed and built a dozen or so SOS villages around the country. "When your clients give you a free hand, and let you nurture your project, it becomes your baby till the end. That's one of the reasons why the couple has stopped applying for government contracts. "Of course they're much bigger, challenging and, noticeable, but there's too much interference, and too many hassles," says Deepak Man.

The work CBC does has many admirers, but probably the best indicator of their successful teamwork are the considerable number of architect applicants they get everyday. It is, of course, difficult to accommodate everyone, especially given that they never compromise on quality. "With architects returning from India, the East Bloc countries, and even locally trained in Nepal, there's a bumper harvest of architects-but no new jobs," says Jyoti. "As the investment is low but the returns are high, most colleges have an architecture department. But one can't say that the quality of education is always sound." This quality-or lack thereof-that Jyoti talks about is evident in the large number of tasteless and unsafe high rises that keep cropping up in the Valley. Indeed, only 10 percent of Kathmandu's buildings are actually designed by trained and registered architects, the rest are left to civil engineers or even overseers.

Deepak Man is particularly concerned about this. "There should be more stress on following safety guidelines," he says. "The government should seriously look into all these new high rise structures because if there is an earthquake as big as the one that occurred in 1934, the devastation will be major," he says. (See also "Earthquake coming: waiting for the big one," #25) Reports from surveys conducted by various organisations such as the Kathmandu Valley Earthquake Risk Management Project, the National Society for Earthquake Technology and the Japan International Cooperation Agency confirm these fears.

True, not much can be done about the Valley's old cities, but the local authority could certainly factor in earthquake safety when passing plans for new buildings. Building is an expensive business, but cutting costs at the expense of safety standards cannot possibly be wise. "We should make do with what we have but do it well," warns Deepak Man.

It is a common conceit among architects that they not build houses and offices, but are instrumental in building society at large. For the Sherchans, this is more than idle talk. The couple want to give back to society, and believe that the best way is through education, to ensure a better future for the country. They are investing a lot of time, energy and money in designing and supporting the Malpi International School, something they call a pro-public institution. "It is almost like a co-operative with 50 investors," explains Jyoti. "Rather than send children outside to India to study, we want to retain them here by providing quality education and facilities. After being architects and former lecturers for so long, we need to give back what we've received in education."

After almost a quarter of a century after planning and executing all these plans, have the Sherchans completed their dream project? "For us there is no such thing as a dream project-we only help the client achieve their dream. It is up to them to decide what they want," says Jyoti, while Deepak Man nods. "Still, if you talk about satisfaction and enjoyment the SOS projects have been some of the most best."

Google Account

Academic Papers on Thakalis

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Turin, Mark, 1997. Too many stars and not enough sky: language and ethnicity among the Thakali of Nepal Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol. XXIV, No. 2, pp.187-199

Turin, Mark, 2004. Minority Language Politics in Nepal and the Himalayas Position Paper for SCALLA 2004 Working Conference

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Saturday, March 21, 2009